I am a fifth-year graduate student in the Department of Linguistics at USC. My research is focused in syntax and phonology, with attention to their interfaces. Broadly, I am interested in the syntactic and prosodic sources of word-order variation, and the ways in which they interact in formal grammar. My research also investigates aspects of Prosodic Phonology and the morphology-phonology interface. More information about my previous and ongoing work can be found below.
Previously (2011-2014), I taught as an Assistant Lecturer in the French Program of the Department of French and Italian.
My CV is available here (updated March 2015)
Variation in Bangla complementizer order as syntax-prosody interaction
This work provides an interface account for a puzzling variation in the ordering of the finite complementizer je in Bangla; je is obligatorily initial in postverbal embedded clauses, but non-initial in preverbal embedded clauses. I argue that non-initial complementizer placement is derived by lower-copy spell-out (Bošković 2001) within the extended CP domain (Rizzi 1997), and that the pronunciation of a lower copy takes place to satisfy a prosodically-motivated constraint that disfavors je at an intonational phrase edge.
[NELS 45 poster] [NELS 45 handout] [email me for a paper draft]
Complementizer-domain subjects (in prep.)
This paper argues for the existence of a dedicated subject position in the clausal left periphery, which accounts for the exceptional distribution of subjects in a variety of phenomena, including second-position effects, subject-doubling constructions, and non-initial complementation. I also consider cross-linguistic variation in the realization of left peripheral heads, and argue for an account in terms of Feature Scattering (Giorgi & Pianesi 1996).
Scalar positional constraints in Harmonic Grammar (joint work with Karen Jesney)
This project proposes a new account of positional licensing and positional markedness effects in Harmonic Grammar (Legendre, Miyata & Smolensky 1990), arguing that weighted constraints are additionally scaled according to some degree of prosodic or morphological prominence. We argue that weighted and scaled constraints account for attested typologies with a reduced constraint set, while avoiding overgeneralization predicted by indexed positional constraints in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004).
[CLS 51 handout]
Prosodic constraint indexation
In a common form of prosodic derived environment blocking, markedness-reducing phonological processes fail to apply across sufficiently large prosodic junctures. These papers account for such effects in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) by positional markedness constraints violated only when a marked structure is fully contained within the span of an indexed prosodic constituent. These constraints also predict the emergence of more marked sequences within extraprosodic morphemes. The CLS 49 proceedings paper applies these constraints to derive the distribution of French nasal vowels, and further proposes an account of liaison as the result of exceptional prosodification.
[Link to AMP 2013 proceedings paper] [CLS 49 proceedings paper]
The ClP/NP split in bare nouns
Looking primarily at French, this work proposes a distinction between two classes of bare nominals, true bare Noun Phrases (NPs) and those that additionally project to Classifier Phrases (ClPs). The distinction is argued to account for a number of differences between bare predicate nominals and those with articles, and two classes of verbal idioms. Among other differences, I show that only NPs denote gradable properties, and that only ClPs allow the insertion of articles without additional modification.
[Going Romance 2012 handout]